Monday, July 13, 2009

Foundations of democracy being dismantled

Posted on Mon, Jul. 13, 2009

For Latin America, events in Honduras are the tragic yet logical culmination of the silence of the United States and the inter-American community to the sustained assault on democratic institutions in that region.

While there may be the possibility of reconciliation in one country, it does not address the larger dismantling of democracy in the region.

It is hard for many Hondurans, and other pro-democracy activists in the region, to fully appreciate the outrage and clamor over the ouster of Mel Zelaya in Honduras when there has not been any significant action in opposition to the dismantling of democratic institutions and free societies in Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua, to name the most visible cases.

Further, it is hard to explain why there was silence in the face of Zelaya's earlier unconstitutional actions, especially the event that precipitated his ousting: the storming of a military base to seize and distribute ballots for a referendum that had been declared unconstitutional by the Honduran Supreme Court.

This situation was compounded by the United States, which was working behind the scenes to keep the Honduran congress and supreme court from using the clearly legal means of presidential impeachment.

Having acquiesced in Zelaya's overstepping of the constitution, the United States and the inter-American community only speak now.

The conclusion one reaches is that it is unacceptable for other, separate governmental institutions to protect their country's constitution.

It appears U.S. policy protects a sitting president regardless of a leader's illegal acts, rather than seeking to protect the larger constitutional order or democratic institutions.

The crisis in Honduras stems from the failure of its leaders to live within constitutional boundaries and from the earlier silence of the United States and international community regarding the abuse of power by the Honduran executive.

Tragically, the United States and the OAS have put Honduras in a position where democracy is again the loser:

If Zelaya returns, this essentially signals approval of his unconstitutional acts; if he is not allowed to return, then the unacceptable behavior of forcibly exiling a leader is given approval.

This happens when principles are sacrificed for a policy that can only be described as the appeasement of authoritarians.

Neither the United States nor other countries in the region or the international community should be taking sides in this constitutional dispute, but rather encouraging a resolution through dialogue among Hondurans.

To this end, efforts could be focused on helping Honduras form a reconciliation government that would include representatives not associated with either the Zelaya administration or current government.

The good offices of Cardinal Oscar Andrés Rodríguez could be one avenue for this. The objective should be to keep Honduras on track to hold currently scheduled presidential elections in November with the inauguration of a new president in January as mandated in the Honduran constitution.

The newly elected president, with an electoral mandate, then can decide whether and how to deal with Zelaya and those involved in his ouster.

As the U.S. Senate takes up President Obama's nominees for key State Department positions in Latin America, it is time to question the acceptance by the United States and the inter-American community of the sustained dismantling of democratic institutions and free societies by presidents seeking to consolidate personal power at any cost.

This is the larger challenge in Latin America of which Honduras is the latest symptom.


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http://www.miamiherald.com

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

Comments on the Situation in Honduras U.S. Senator Mel Martinez (R-FL)

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

Mr. President, I rise to speak about the events in Honduras. The events that are taking place in Honduras right now are the unfortunate result of a silence from both the United States and the Inter-America community to the assault on Honduras’ democratic Institutions. It is difficult for Hondurans and other democrats within the region to understand the full significance of President Zelaya’s expulsion from Honduras. Up until this point, there has not been any significant voice or action in opposition to the dismantling of free societies in Venezuela, Bolivia, and as Honduras was going down the same path, you might also add Nicaragua to that, to name only a few of the most visible cases.

It is also hard to explain why there was silence in the face of President Zelaya’s earlier unconstitutional actions, especially the events that have appeared to precipitate his ousting: the storming of a military base to seize and distribute ballots for a referendum that previously had been declared unconstitutional by the Honduran Supreme Court. A fundamental tenet of democracy is the separation of powers. You’ve got a president in the Executive branch and then you have a judicial branch of government as a coequal branch. And that branch of government told the president that the referendum he was seeking to have to extend his rule beyond the constitutional term was illegal, should not be done. He was undeterred and he was completely unrepentant as he sought to continue with his plan to have a referendum, even though the Congress, even though the judiciary, had already told him that that was in contravention of the constitution of their country.

Where was the region's outrage of Hugo Chavez’s support for Mr. Zelaya’s unconstitutional actions in Honduras? Mr. Chavez supported Mr. Zelaya because they are kindred spirits. Because Mr. Chavez already had been able to usurp every institution of democracy within Venezuela and now rules as an autocrat, he wanted to have that same playbook applied to Honduras, as he has coached and shepherded the doings of the same thing in Bolivia and to some degree in Ecuador as well. And with Nicaragua now coming along. So the Honduran people decided this was not going to happen in their country and the people in the Honduran Congress and the Honduran Supreme Court decided that it was not going to happen on their watch.

The region’s silence toward the assault on democracy in Honduras followed a pattern of acquiescence to Chavez’s dismantling of democratic institutions and civil liberties in Venezuela. For instance, the O.A.S. has said absolutely nothing about Chavez’s closing of independent media, his manipulation of elections, his erosion of independent branches of government, and his usurping of the authority of local elected officials. Leaders like Chavez, Ortega, and Zelaya have cloaked themselves in the language of democracy when it's convenient for them. Yet, their actions ignore it when it doesn't further their personal ambitions. This situation was compounded by the United States’ actions, including work behind the scenes to keep the Honduran Congress and Supreme Court from using the clearly legal means of presidential impeachment. Some of us have wondered why wasn't he impeached? Why didn't the Congress go ahead and impeach President Zelaya? The fact of the matter is that our embassy in Tegucigalpa counseled that they should not do that – that they should not do that, that the Hondurans should not use the tools of impeachment.

Having stood on the sidelines while Mr. Zelaya overstepped the nation's constitution, the United States and the international community only speak now. Protecting a sitting president regardless of their illegal act sets a dangerous precedent. Instead, U.S. policy should be focused on supporting efforts that uphold the integrity of constitutional order and democratic institutions.

In fairness to the Obama Administration, this distorted policy is not new. Through advice from the State Department, former President George W. Bush was talked out of having the United States stand visibly with democratic advocates in Latin America. The advice was based on the belief by not making the United States an issue, this would allow the region to stand up for democratic activists. Unfortunately, no country or leader did so. And most significant of all, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States has sat idly by year after year, as democracy after democracy is being dismantled one piece at a time, one election at a time, one institution at a time, saying absolutely nothing.

The O.A.S. has a responsibility to condemn and sanction presidential abuses, not just abuses against presidents. Because of the O.A.S.’s failure to uphold the checks and balances within democracies, it has become an enabler of authoritarian leaders throughout the region. The result of this has been a signal of acceptance to anti-democratic actions and abandonment of those fighting for democracy in Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Ecuador, and elsewhere.

This silence was compounded by recent repudiation of the application of the Inter-American Democratic Charter to the Cuban Dictatorship. Ironically, it was in Honduras with Mr. Zelaya taking the leading role where the O.A.S. General Assembly decided against any clear democratic standards for Cuba retaking its seat in that organization. So here’s what occurred: The Organization of American States - filled with the desire to reincorporate Cuba into the family of nations - completely ignoring that for 50 years Cuba has been a military dictatorship without even the vestiges of a free and fair election, and they invited Cuba to be readmitted without setting up a standard by which they would have to live. President Zelaya, with his partner Hugo Chavez, was leading the charge in saying, “Cuba should be welcome back and there should be no conditions.” Those conditions of democratic rule are the very ones that he is now relying upon to try to get his presidency back. It is Mr. Zelaya now seeking the very protection of the democratic charter of the O.A.S. which he thinks is important to apply to him, but which he felt was unimportant to apply to the rights and opportunities of the Cuban people to try to claim a democratic future for themselves.

The crisis in Honduras stems from the failure of its leaders to live within constitutional boundaries and the earlier silence of the United States and the international community regarding the abuse of power by the Honduran executive. Tragically, the United States and the O.A.S. have put Honduras and the region in a position where democracy is the loser once again. The return of Mr. Zelaya will signal the approval of his unconstitutional act. If he is not allowed to return, then the unacceptable behavior of forcibly exiling a leader would be given tacit approval. This is what happens when principles are sacrificed for a policy only described as appeasement of authoritarians.

In the current crisis neither the United States nor other countries in the region or the international community should be taking sides in a constitutional dispute, but rather encouraging a resolution through dialogue among Hondurans. To this end, efforts should be focused on helping Hondurans form a reconciliation government that would include representatives not associated with either Zelaya’s administration or the current interim government. The objective would be to keep Honduras on track to hold currently scheduled Presidential elections in November with the inauguration of a new president in January as mandated by the Honduran Constitution. The newly elected president with an electoral mandate then can decide how to deal with Mr. Zelaya and those involved in his ouster.

As the U.S. Senate takes up President Obama’s nominees to key State Department positions in Latin America, it is time to question the acceptance by the United States and the Inter-American community of the sustained dismantling of democratic institutions and free societies by presidents seeking to consolidate personal power at any cost. This is the larger challenge in Latin America and Honduras is the latest symptom. The United States must no longer remain silent when democratic institutions are undermined. Any disruption of the constitutional order is unacceptable regardless of who commits it.

It would be well for us to remember that as we look forward to what may come next, the Presidential succession ought to be honored, however institutions of democracy also ought to be equally honored. Secretary of State Clinton met today at 1:00 with deposed President Zelaya and it appears that she is seeking to align the United States with the mediation that is about to be undertaken by President Óscar Arias – a Nobel Prize winning, well regarded man from Costa Rica. And that President Arias might take the opportunity to see how we can bring this process back together again. It seems to me the elections in Honduras ought to take place as scheduled and a new, democratically elected government ought to go forward. The real question is, will Mr. Zelaya be allowed to return to the Office of President? It seems to be fairly unanimous that all Honduran institutions oppose such an outcome. They do not want Mr. Zelaya back. They have seen the dark movie of what life can be like in a Cuba-type situation. They have seen the erosion of democracy with the complete erosion of freedoms so much made a dear part of what we in this country believe in that has taken place in Venezuela. They have seen the continued erosion of democratic values in Nicaragua and they don’t want to see it happen in their country. And one can't blame them. It would only be fitting that they should find comfort by those of us in this country who not only value democracy for us but believe it should be shared by others around the world no matter their circumstances.

It isn’t good enough to be elected democratically but then rule as a dictator and in the process of being an elected president, then move to erode all the institutions of democracy – the courts, the congresses, even the military as an institution; they ought to be respected. Their independence ought to be valued. The playbook of Mr. Chavez, which is to dismantle the military leadership and bring in cronies of his, the efforts to then discredit the courts and bring in judges that he would also approve of – this has been the playbook by which Chavez has operated and the one that Mr. Zelaya was attempting to put into play.

So let's hope that President Arias from Costa Rica will be able to lead a mediation effort, that will bring together all the disparate groups. That there can be a free and fair election. And that there can be a resolution to this crisis of democracy. But let it also be a wake-up call to the rest of us who have sat silently by as this erosion of democracy takes place one country at a time in Latin America. We ought to say, “enough is enough.” Let's stand for the rule of law. Let’s stand for democracy not only on Election Day, but each and every day thereafter as we seek leaders that are elected democratically but govern democratically.


For more information about Sen. Mel Martinez, click HERE to visit his senate web site

Honduras' Manuel Zelaya plots new strategy to get home


In the nine days since he was booted from the Honduran presidency by force, Manuel Zelaya as been to six cities in five countries.

He flew over a sixth.

Zelaya's country-hopping campaign to reclaim his post started at the airport in Costa Rica last Sunday over gallo pinto and crackers and is expected to continue Tuesday with high-level meetings in Washington to hatch a plan of action.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was expected to meet Zelaya late Monday or early Tuesday, a Latin American president told The Miami Herald. And he may not like what he hears: The Obama administration is irked by the fact that Zelaya sought much of his advice from Cuba's Fidel Castro and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez.

But Washington has joined leaders from across the Americas in trying to bring end to the crisis and seek Zelaya's return to Tegucigalpa. The Organization of American States, which has stated that Zelaya's return is not negotiable, is seeking a compromise with Honduran legislators and judges.

The stakes are high: as early as Tuesday, Washington may cut off hundreds of millions of dollars in aid Honduras gets.

Zelaya is one of two men currently claiming to be president of Honduras. The Central American nation of 7.5 million people currently has two presidents and two foreign ministers, several Cabinet members are in hiding, and it's unclear who represents the nation in Washington: the ambassador who served under Zelaya has pledged allegiance to his successor, Roberto Micheletti.

Zelaya's zeal to reclaim the seat he won with a slim majority four years ago has taken him to Costa Rica, Panama, Nicaragua three times, El Salvador twice, New York and Washington. He has met with at least a dozen presidents, as well as the head of the United Nations General Assembly and the secretary general of the OAS.

Venezuela has spoken out on his behalf and provided aircraft for his travel. But as heads of state throughout the hemisphere huddle and offer assistance -- both material and diplomatic -- the deposed leftist former rancher appears no closer to winning back his post in the short term.

''He's got very little on his side except for these demonstrators, which number in the single thousands,'' said former Assistant Secretary of State Otto Reich, who has been accused by Venezuela of orchestrating Zelaya's ouster. ``You can't govern with just rioters in the streets. He needs the institutions of government -- all of which have turned against him.''

The Honduran powers of state turned against Zelaya because he was so determined to hold a nonbinding referendum last month, calling for a constituent assembly to change the constitution, that he defied court orders declaring the vote illegal.

His brazen confiscation of ballot materials from an air force hangar led Honduras' Supreme Court, attorney general, congress and the military to gang up against him. He was ordered captured and shuttled off to Costa Rica in a predawn raid at his residence.

Costa Rica inadvertently became the first of a series of nations dragged into one of the hemisphere's worst political crises in years.

'When Zelaya stepped off the plane, he said, `Good morning, there has been a coup,' '' Javier Sancho, the head of protocol for Costa Rica's ministry of foreign affairs, told The Miami Herald Monday in a phone interview from San José.

Zelaya did not say he had been kidnapped. Sancho said Zelaya first used that word at the press conference two hours later. Had Zelaya uttered it earlier, then Costa Rica's Public Ministry might have gotten involved, Sancho said.

He added that Costa Rica's civil aviation received the requested flight plan before the plane left Honduras. He said the plane was civil registered, not a military plane, which would have required the permission of the Legislative Assembly to fly into Costa Rica.

The Honduran pilots who submitted the flight plan did not say they were flying the presidential airplane, nor did they say that Zelaya was aboard.

That information got to Costa Rica through a 6 a.m. phone call to Costa Rican President Oscar Arias from Costa Rican ambassador to Guatemala Lidiette Brenes. She received an early morning call from appointed Honduran foreign minister Enrique Ortez Colindres saying Zelaya was being exiled and on his way to Costa Rica.

Zelaya spent the first hours of his arrival in his pajamas on the phone at the airport administrative office, Sancho said. He called his wife and mother, among others. Those calls may have included chats with Castro and Chávez, according to Latin American sources familiar the happenings.

''He received a lot of phone calls,'' Sancho said.

Zelaya was also given a medical checkup and had his blood pressure taken. Everything was normal as he sipped coffee and ate gallo pinto and crackers.

From there, Zelaya went on to a presidential inauguration in Panama, a meeting with fellow heads of state in Nicaragua, spent two nights in El Salvador, gave a speech at the United Nations, and went to Washington, D.C., twice.

''I want to go back to my country, because it's important we have peace,'' he told those assembled at the Organization of American States on Sunday. ``I'm simply fighting to restore democracy to my country not just for myself. I'm fighting for all of us.''

Efraín Díaz, a member of Honduras' Christian Democratic party and a one-time presidential candidate, said he is not sure if all the world leaders Zelaya has reached out to will be able to broker an accord, because there are too many ideologies in the mix.

''Not everyone who he reaches out to will be able to help him or the country find a solution,'' Díaz said. ``I think Costa Rica, which is viewed as a more neutral country, could help mediate an agreement.''

A delegation of Zelaya's political enemies went to Washington as well Monday in an effort to tell their side of the story.

''The State Department wouldn't meet with them,'' said U.S. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly. ``I mean, if this is a regime that we don't recognize.''

Kelly said he was certain that if Zelaya comes to Washington as anticipated he would meet with someone at a ''senior level,'' but there are no definitive plans. Assistant Secretary of State Tom Shannon and Obama special advisor Dan Restrepo met with Zelaya early Sunday morning.

''Of course, we're very focused on the need for a dialogue to restore him back and restore the democratic order,'' Kelly said.

But even while the U.S. lobbies on Zelaya's behalf -- and offers refuge to Zelaya's wife, who is staying at the home of the U.S. ambassador here -- Venezuela has accused elements in Washington of backing the coup.

Citing no evidence, Venezuela pointed a finger at Reich, the former State Department official who once served as the U.S. ambassador to Caracas. In a speech to the emergency session of OAS diplomats, Venezuelan Ambassador to the OAS Roy Chaderton said Reich was among those who had been in touch with ''top officials'' from the de facto regime.

''I am not the architect of the coup -- I am not even a mason,'' Reich, president of his own Washington-based consulting firm, said Monday by telephone. ``I didn't even carry any water.

``It's typical of the Cubans and Venezuelans. They're trying to find a scapegoat.''

This story was reported by Miami Herald staff writers Frances Robles and Laura Figueroa in Honduras; Lesley Clark in Washington; Trenton Daniel in Miami; and special correspondents Tim Rogers in Nicaragua, and Phil Gunson in Caracas. It was written by Robles.


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